{ "id": 17120, "date": "2019-12-01T09:00:50", "date_gmt": "2019-12-01T08:00:50", "guid": { "rendered": "https:\/\/sboverseas.org\/?p=17120" }, "modified": "2019-12-01T09:00:50", "modified_gmt": "2019-12-01T08:00:50", "slug": "report-young-refugees-living-in-reception-accommodation-centres-in-brussels", "status": "publish", "type": "post", "link": "https:\/\/sboverseas.org\/en\/report-young-refugees-living-in-reception-accommodation-centres-in-brussels\/", "title": { "rendered": "REPORT: Young Refugees living in reception & accommodation centres in Brussels" }, "content": { "rendered": "

A critical examination of the psychosocial, legal and living conditions for young people seeking international protection <\/em><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Written and published by the Brussels headquarters office of <\/em>Soutien Belge OverSeas<\/em><\/a>, a registered Belgian non-profit humanitarian organisation (association sans but lucratif, ASBL) dedicated to providing humanitarian aid to refugees and victims of conflict. Our operations are divided into the following three activities: education, emergency aid and empowerment. SB OverSeas works with refugees in two geographical focus areas: Lebanon and Belgium. In Belgium, we work to support unaccompanied minors and adult women in four reception and accommodation centres in order to foster inclusion.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Abstract<\/a><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Following five years of supporting young\nrefugees living in Brussels through psychosocial support activities, engagement\nwith the local community and providing exposure to skills and future\nopportunities, this report presents the critical observations of the precarity\nin the lives these young people. The discussion engages with three elements of\nprotection that we consider necessary for the personal security of young people\nin this precarious situation: a positive physical living space, an environment\nof psychological support and guidance and the adherence to their rights in\nseeking international protection.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Introduction<\/a><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In 2015 SB OverSeas began supporting\nrefugees in Brussels at Park Maximilian in collaboration with M\u00e9decins du Monde<\/a> where we provided\npsychosociological support for young people and families. The SB Espoir project\nstarted in 2017 out of a need to provide support to young people on the move in\nBrussels. In 2016 we partnered with Plateforme\nCitoyenne de Soutien aux R\u00e9fugi\u00e9s<\/a> as well as MDM to support families, youth\nand children at two accommodation and support centres at the time, Petit\nChateau and Quai de Willebroeck. Our focus on young people stems from the\nnuanced challenges that individuals between the ages of 14 and 25 face related\nto trauma, feelings of isolation beyond those typical of adolescent development\nand interpersonal and intercommunity faced by young people universally. We have\nbeen working with this group for five years in a capacity that is not related\nto their asylum status nor in any way with the interest of learning about their\nreasons for leaving their home country, coming to Belgium nor other personal\ndetails. With this approach, we have created a space of trust with the young\npeople living in the accommodation and reception centres. This trust has grown\nour project in 2019 to run activities in four centres that host asylum-seeking\nyoung people, which includes all of the centres that are in the capital city of\nBrussels. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the end of\n2019, we decided to move our mission in Brussels further to engage with the\nnational, regional and international community about the challenges in the\nlives of these young people. This report was created to begin that process: within\nthis document you will find information from field notes that will serve as the\nbasis for future analysis, with the goal of bringing the day-to-day realities\nof the youth[1]<\/a>\ninto the conference rooms, parliament houses and public discussions in Belgium,\nand on the global scale at the European Union and beyond.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

An unconventional methodology<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The original information used to create\nthis report comes from critical observations from our five-year-long running SB\nEspoir project. These initial observations are often made informally by the\nactivity facilitators, coordinators, and the supervisor of the project after\ninteractions with the youth in the centre. These observations are by no means\nindicative of absolute truths regarding the lives of young people on the move\nin Belgium but are meant to provide further information about their\naccommodation, the support they receive and the challenges they face. As a\npreliminary report, this document also lacks the voices of the youth\nthemselves. Due to this fact, much of the analysis will focus on the structure\nand environment for the youth, rather than their personal interactions with\ntheir environment. With this first report, we intend to build the foundations\nfor a more in-depth report that addresses the absence of the youth\u2019s voices and\ngives more agency to the youth to explore other such perspectives. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond the critical\nobservations, this report synthesizes information from our partners and\nadvocacy groups in Belgium that SB OverSeas is a member of. This information\nincludes statistical data from FEDASIL and the Belgian Red Cross, situational\nreports from PICUM, EPIM, ECRE, UNHCR, analysis from academic sources and other\nobservers and advocates, as listed in the footnoted bibliography. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This report aims\nto be not only a presentation of information, but a critical analysis of the\nmechanisms that govern and shape the lives of young people on the move in Brussels.\nIt is divided into three parts, analysing the physical, legal and psycho-social\nl aspects of life as a young person seeking international protection in Brussels.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The youth: young people on the move<\/a><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

It is a challenge and a near impossibility to\ncharacterize the youth that we encounter in the SB Espoir project as one group.\nIn this section, we will attempt to introduce you to these individuals within\nthe context of their movement in Belgium, and their lives at the centres in\nBrussels. One thing that all of these individuals have in common is that they\nare young,[2]<\/a>\nthey have migrated to Belgium from a country outside of the EU and EEA, they\nare living in the accommodation or reception centres in Brussels and they are\nnot currently with either of their parents or guardians\u2014this is why we can characterize\nthem as young people on the move. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The majority of\nthe young people who live in the centres are between 16 and 18 years old; they\nare a group of teenagers that are also majority male.[3]<\/a>\nWhile their age and sex information are demographic characteristics that can be\ngeneralized in some respect, their ethnic, national and other personal\ninformation related to identity are so varied that it is almost impossible to\ngeneralize. Where the youth are from and how they identify varies both in terms\nof the countries that they lived in before coming to Belgium as well as their\nethnic affiliation. The UNHCR report details[4]<\/a>\nthat the most frequent countries of origin for these young people are Eretria,\nAfghanistan, Algeria, Morocco and Sudan. This statement is not to say that\nthose are exclusively the countries of origin of these youth; in our activities\nwe have met many youth that have told us that they are from Iran, Guinee-Conakry,\nCongo, Syria, Palestine, Albania, Venezuela, and Angola, to name a few. As\npreviously mentioned, however, we do not actively engage in this conversation\nwith the youth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Figure\n1: Application for international protection by young people in Belgium<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n Country of Origin<\/strong>\n <\/td> Number of applications <\/strong>
(1 Jan  to 30 June 2019)<\/strong> <\/td><\/tr>
\n Afghanistan<\/strong>\n <\/td>\n 318*\n <\/td><\/tr>
\n Guinee<\/strong>\n <\/td>\n 85*\n <\/td><\/tr>
\n Somalia<\/strong>\n <\/td>\n 56*\n <\/td><\/tr>
\n Eretria<\/strong>\n <\/td>\n 37*\n <\/td><\/tr>
\n Syria<\/strong>\n <\/td>\n 22*\n <\/td><\/tr>
\n Total<\/strong>\n <\/td>\n 429*\n <\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table>\n\n\n\n

*Note that this includes young people\nwho have been identified or self-identify as under 18 years old, before any\nexamination of their age.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Source: Office of the Commissioner\nGeneral for Refugees and Stateless Persons<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The most common\nindicator for the SB team to identify country of origin or ethnicity during the\nactivities that we engage in is language. Some youth speak French (those from francophone\ncountries) but sometimes mixed with a dialect or aspects of a different\nlanguage. The same goes for anglophones, except for those who have learned\nEnglish separate from their mother tongue. We have met many youth that learned\nEnglish as they have arrived in Europe, as well as other languages such as\nGreek, Spanish or Italian because of time they spent in other countries in the\nEU\u2014making many of the youth multilingual. Apart from that, other languages that\nwe hear the youth speaking include Farsi or Dari, Pashto, Hindi, Urdu, Bengali,\nArabic, Spanish, Albanian, and Kurdish. Note that this listing of languages\ndoes not include the dialects and local languages that are mixed with French or\nEnglish. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

While many of the\nyouth are indeed seeking asylum (a process that will be discussed in a\nfollowing section), this cannot be said absolutely for all the residents of the\ncentres. As third-country nationals in the eyes of Belgian law, they must obtain\na residence permit to stay in the country. For some, that residence permit can\nbe achieved through asking for international protection and following the\nprocedure to obtain refugee status or subsidiary protection[5]<\/a>.\nThose individuals often are from what are considered countries of high\nrecognition, meaning that more than 80 percent of the cases of applicants who\nask for international protection from these countries are given status; individuals\nfrom El Salvador, Eritrea, Yemen, Libya, Palestine,  Syria, Venezuela, and Burundi are more likely\nto be granted refugee status.[6]<\/a>\nFor others, this is a more unlikely scenario; particularly those who are from\ncountries that the Belgian government does not consider as ones refugees come\nfrom (countries with low recognition rates) and therefore other avenues of\nresidence are pursued. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The centres: living in Brussels<\/a><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

It is interesting and important to note\nthat the care structures for third country nationals who are under the age of\n18 are different than the care structures for unaccompanied Belgian nationals\nor citizens under the age of 18.[7]<\/a>\nWhen a young person arrives to Belgium and identifies her or himself as a minor\nwho is travelling alone, without any parent or guardian, their first place of\nofficial accommodation is what is called a \u201ccentre of observation and\norientation\u201d that are run by FEDASIL<\/a>. A\nyoung person will live at this centre[8]<\/a>\nduring the time that the authorities are verifying their identity, age and\nother factors related to their ask for international protection as well as\nwhile the authorities are looking for proper longer-term accommodation. As is\nindicated by their name, the overall goal while living in this first line\ncentre is for the youth to be observed by the educators working there, who have\ntwo roles: to support them in their first month in Belgium  and to make critical observations of them in\norder to collect the appropriate information to best place them in their next accommodation.\nThey are looking to make certain observations, such as signs of trauma, abuse,\npersonal sensitivities, connections to cities or a specific area in Belgium\n(perhaps where a family member is located, or where they already have a support\nnetwork) or other behaviour or identity information that may be relevant to\ntheir protection. Additionally, their \u2018orientation\u2019 is also a goal, in that\nthey begin learning about Belgian way of life, receive informal language classes\nin French or Flemish and engage in social and cultural activities.  After staying in these centres for about one\nmonth, the youth are transferred to longer-term centres, such as the ones we\nwork in that are run by the Belgian\nRed Cross<\/a>, where they stay until they get a positive asylum decision or until\nthey turn 18, whichever comes first<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These longer-term\ncentres are called second-line reception and accommodation centres for asylum\nseekers because they are a temporary accommodation for individuals seeking\nasylum. For the female young people, there is one all-female second line centre\nthat also accommodates adult women as well as those under 18 years of age. During\nthe time that these individuals are living in the centre, their asylum dossier\nis being examined. If their asylum claim is accepted, they will move onto the\nthird line accommodation, which is semi-independent housing. If their asylum\nclaim is denied, meaning that the Belgian state has decided that their\nreasoning for asking for international protection is not valid under their\nstandards, they must go through a different process. As minors, it is\nprohibited by law to involuntarily return them to their country of origin and\ntherefore are granted leave to remain in Belgium up until the point that they\nturn 18. During this time after a first rejection for asylum, individuals can\nsubmit an appeal to this decision and follow a long appeals process, during\nwhich they are also granted leave to remain in Belgium. In both of these paths,\nonce a minor turns 18, their level of protection is significantly reduced. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Location of the centres<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

One prominent and important distinction about the lives of the youth in these centres is that while they live in the capital city of Brussels, the centres are in four different areas around the city-centre. The first line centres are located in the communes of 1) Neder-Over-Heembeek, which is at the border with the Flemish region about 10 km and both a bus and metro ride away from the city centre and 2) Woluwe Saint-Pierre, in the south of the city about 5 km and one metro ride away from the city centre. It can be said that of all four, the Neder-Over-Heembeek centre is the most spatially removed. The second line centres are located in the communes of 1) Uccle, 7 km and one tram ride away from the city centre and 2) Jette, about  5km and both a tram and bus away from the city centre. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Environment in the centres<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Of the centres that are within the Brussels\ncity limits that host these youth, the amount of residents has varied\nthroughout the five years of the SB Espoir project. But we can estimate that\nsince 2015, on average the centres have all been at or just below their full\ncapacity. The two first-line centres in Brussels on average host 60 young\nresidents at a time  For the second lines\ncentre, the two we work in are quite different in size: for example, the\nall-female centre hosts over 80 individuals on average of which 12 are young\ngirls under the age of 18 (but not necessarily without their parent), while the\nprimarily-male centre just for youth hosts about 50 residents. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The accommodation\ncentres for the youth in Brussels vary in size and capacity, but feature\ncertain consistent physical elements: space to eat, space to sleep, separate\nspaces for free time, or more structured spaces including meeting rooms and\nreception and other support services. Of these, the only space that is private\nfor the youth is their room where they sleep, which is often still shared with\n1 or 2 other people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Structured spaces\ninclude classrooms that are used for language and facilitating other lessons\nand workshops organised by the centres, meeting rooms wherein the youth can\ninteract in privacy with their assigned social assistant, guardian or other\nguests. Additionally, the reception, psychologist office and nurse are places\nwhere the youth can seek support from the staff and social assistants in the centres.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The social\nassistants are the individuals that work in the FEDASIL for Red Cross centres and\naccompany and support the youth in their day to day. Each social assistant in\nthe Red Cross centres works directly with a group of youth throughout their stay\nat the centre, acting as their main point of contact.  In the FEDASIL centres, they are referred to\nas \u201ceducators\u201d and they are the individuals that are the contact points for the\nday to day, but also have the task of observation as was described in the\nprevious section. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Psycho-Social: Mental health, education &\ncommunity<\/a><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In this section we will outline the\napproach that SB Espoir takes in its activities as well as the theoretical and\nevidence-based analysis of young refugees and their needs. At the FEDASIL\ncentres in WSP and NOH, we run activities that focus on cultural inclusion in the\nBrussels community, physical and psychosocial-support activities that promote\npositive mental health. At the Red Cross centres in Uccle and Jette, we run\nactivities that focus on well-being, life skills workshops and experiences that\npromote independence as well as physical and psychosocial support activities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

SB Espoir follows\nthe three principles of empathy, empowerment, and equality. These principles\nalign with what researchers have concluded as being the necessary contributors\nto effective integration and inclusion of refugee youth into their new home.\nThis review of the existing academic literature on unaccompanied refugee minor\nyouth inclusion and integration and will address why SB Espoir\u2019s activities\nfocus on these three principles. Entzinger and Biezeveld discuss the practical\n\u201cfour fields of integration\u201d whereby the two-sided integration process differs\nbetween the four: socio-economic, cultural, legal and political, and attitudes\nof recipient societies.[9]<\/a>\nSB Espoir primarily addresses the cultural field of integration on the side of\nthe refugees themselves, but also works to improve the attitudes of recipient\nsocieties on the other side. This two-sided approach is vital to the inclusion\nof the youth into Belgian society. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Our focus on\ncultural integration stems from the understanding that just socio-economic\nintegration is not sufficient on its own for total inclusion into a new home\nsociety. As Entzinger and Biezeveld note, \u201cit has become\nmore widely acknowledged that a certain common basis is deemed necessary to\ncreate an atmosphere of mutual understanding in a society, even though this\nrecognition does not automatically entail a call for full assimilation.\u201d [10]<\/a> Some of the indicators they note include sharing the values of the\nhost society,  contact with the local\ncommunity and local language acquisition and practice. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Empathy<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The effects of the clandestine journey that\nmany asylum-seekers take often removes their sense of security and safety, and\nstill persists when they have obtained a relatively stable status in the\ncountry they are asking for asylum. Taking this into account, in order to\nengage with young asylum seekers in a context that is comfortable and\nwelcoming, it is vital to create a space where they do not feel the effects of\nthe inherent limbo of the asylum-seeking process. As Nelson, et al. note, \u201cthe\nperson remains in a state of uncertainty and insecurity that is a direct\nconsequence of the current soci-political environment.\u201d[11]<\/a>\nThis concern is particularly important for unaccompanied minors because they\nare experiencing a massive change during the development stage of their life. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Exercising respect\nand empathy, therefore is vital to providing a safe environment for meaningful\nengagement with an individual in this context. In their case study of Ali from\nAfghanistan, Nelson et al. specifically point to the social worker in this case\nnot asking Ali about his past with the purpose of not threatening his sense of\ntrust.[12]<\/a>\nThe counsellor\u2019s role is based on principles of human rights and social\njustice, to restore not only Ali\u2019s personal sense of security, but also his\nagency as an individual. From our experience, we have learned that often the\nyouth will personally open up to one or two of our volunteers on their own and\nshare information about themselves, their life back home or their journey to\nBelgium. Having this interaction in this way gives the agency of their story\nback to them and also their ability and willingness to share organically can\nalso be a positive step in overcoming personal trauma.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Empowerment<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

As noted by Derlyun and Vervliet[13]<\/a>\nthe sense of being alone with no, family around them is further pressure of the\npsychology of the youth. Observations from our volunteers and staff over the\npast five years have indicated that  the\nyouth have a sense of responsibility of having a good life as soon as possible in\norder to lessen the burden on their parents. Essentially, this responsibility\nis to assure their parents that the choice to send their minor children abroad\nwas the right decision. The psychological vulnerabilities of these youth is not\nto say that they are \u201cproblem children\u201d due to their risk of psychological\ndistress:, but rather as,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201c…\u2018normal children in abnormal\nsituations\u2019. This means, firstly, that these children are not inherently\nvulnerable to developing mental health problems, but that the situations they\nare in, now and in the past, are likely to evoke this vulnerability. Secondly,\nthis view entails that the care and support for these children should not only\nfocus on their problems, but \u2013 in contrast \u2013 should emphasise their strengths\nand competencies.\u201d[14]<\/strong><\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Empowering their ability to discover and pursue their personal goals and passions, therefore, is important not only for allowing them to reach these expectations, but also hold onto their personal interests and aspirations in the meantime. In SB Espoir, activities with an empowerment focus intend to the youth that they can explore their own skills in  cooking, repairing, language, painting, etc. and be more courageous about taking the professional opportunities that contribute to the general goal of improving their overall psycho-social situation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Equality<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Nelson et al. also discuss how advocacy, in the sense of upholding the values of human rights and promoting social justice, is inherent to social work\u2014in particular with unaccompanied minor asylum-seekers.[15]<\/sup><\/a> In the Cambridge Handbook on Acculturation Psychology, it is noted that, \u201ca high level of psychological stress experienced at an early stage of acculturation increases vulnerability not only for subsequent psychological maladjustment, but also for long-term exposure to and\/or perceptions of ethnic discrimination, showing the reciprocity of the link between perceived discrimination and well-being link.\u201d[16]<\/sup><\/a> Discrimination has also been linked to increase stressors for unaccompanied minors that can lead to deteriorating psychological health, particularly as seen in a study done with unaccompanied minors in Belgium.[17]<\/sup><\/a> Through the involvement of local volunteers as well as local companies and organizations as partners in the activities, we are applying concepts of contact theory[18]<\/sup><\/a> wherein sociologists argue that between two groups that may have potential discriminatory feelings toward each other, social contact helps to decrease these discriminatory perceptions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Legal: Asylum and child protection<\/a><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Politics of age<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The\nsolo young refugee is an amalgamation of contradictory concepts: that of a\nrefugee, an individual that seeks protection but is a threat to the state and\nshould be scrutinized; and that of a child, who is a victim and must be guided\nand protected. Separately these are challenging for the state to consider, but\nparticularly so when these elements are combined; they\u2019ve been termed \u2018Arendt\u2019s\nchildren\u2019 by Jacqueline Bhabha but reproduced by others analysing the\nimmobility of mobile young people.[19]<\/a> It describes broadly those\nwho are minors and are either de jure or de facto without rights, because their\nexistence is not recognised or protected by the state.[20]<\/a> Support for young people in\nneed of protection has rested on the West\u2019s depictions of children as innocent\nand vulnerable[21]<\/a>; McLaughlin argues that if\nthe individual does not conform to those western understandings of childhood,\nthen they are not seen as in need of protection: \u201cIn turn this detracted not\nonly from their complex geopolitical reality as undocumented migrants, but also\nfrom a racist politics of asylum that determines who is seen as a worthy\nrefugee, deserving of protection, and who is criminalised as an undocumented\nnon-citizen.\u201d[22]<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bhabha uses the UN parameters which defines a minor as \u201cevery human\nbeing below the age of eighteen years unless, under the law applicable to the\nchild, majority is attained earlier.\u201d[23]<\/a> This takes a universalist\nview of childhood and does not factor the cultural relativity of how a\nchildhood is understood.[24]<\/a> Following a chronological\nindicator for age is both significant and insignificant, Crawley argues, in two\nways: first that calendar age is not recorded by some governments, making it\nnecessary for governments who require such documentation to estimate birthdays\n(Crawley 2007 p. 21); and secondly, that for asylum seeking young people, their\nclaims of age are not believed. He observed this in practice in the UK, where\nhe documented that \u201ccomments were made about the legitimacy of children\u2019s needs\nbefore basic information had been collected about their experiences.\u201d[25]<\/a> While the UN treaty on the\nRights of the Child is one of the most widely ratified international\nagreements, this delineation of age as an indicator of childhood has become\nproblematic, particularly in the case of refugees \u2013 we will examine this\ncomplexity related to age determination in the case study section.[26]<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Proving Age<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

As an EU member state geographically\nlocated in the north western part of the continent, Belgium is historically a\ncountry of settlement, but increasingly so of transit as well.[27]<\/a>\nThis profile change combined with increased imperatives of securitisation from\nneighbouring countries and political motivations within Belgium have caused an\nincrease in public attention for migration in Belgium.[28]<\/a>\nWith this change, there has been a noted increase in young refugees travelling\nalone who reach Belgium and want to apply for asylum[29]<\/a>. In 2017 over 3,000 young refugees were identified as being alone,\nof whom around 1,000 applied for asylum; of these 3,000 more than 80 percent\nwere male[30]<\/a>  and 60 percent of them were\naged 16 or 17 years.[31]<\/a>\nThis section will illustrate the policy governing the lives of young refugees\nin Belgium, and then note the practical applications of the policy to identify\nthe link between a gap in protection and securitisation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Policy <\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In accordance with the UN Refugee\nConvention, the CEAS and Belgian national asylum law, and the UN Convention on\nthe Rights of the Child[32]<\/a> a young refugee can lodge an asylum application at the border, within\nthe territory or from detention and at each point, the registration is handled\nby either by the police or the Aliens Office.[33]<\/a> Refugees identified as minors as well as other vulnerable groups\nare not detained on principle and their determination of vulnerability should\noccur during the registration process; if a young refugee has self-identified\nas a minor, but the Aliens Office or the police doubts the validity of that\nclaim, the individual may be detained and are referred for an age assessment[34]<\/a>. The age assessment is a physical examination to determine\nchronological age: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cAge\nassessments in Belgium consist of scans of a person\u2019s teeth, wrist and\nclavicle. Following critiques around the accuracy of the medical test to\nestablish the age of non-Western children by the Order of Physicians, a margin\nof error of 2 years is taken into account. This means that only a self-declared\nchild who is tested to be 20 years of age will be registered as an adult\u201d<\/em>[35]<\/strong><\/em><\/a> <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

An applicant can appeal the age assessment\nif they find that it is not accurate and during this time, they are either\ndetained or sheltered in a centre of observation and orientation.[36]<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Practice <\/em><\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Young refugees are systematically detained\nat the border upon arrival to Belgium because of a lack of sufficient  identification protocols at the border,\nmeaning that: \u201cno vulnerability assessment takes place before being detained,\nso their vulnerability is not always known to the asylum authorities.\u201d[37]<\/a> The rights afforded to minors only apply once the Belgian\nauthorities have decided there is enough evidence to prove that they are in\nfact minors.[38]<\/a> The policy imperative is that a young refugee must prove him or\nherself worthy of protection based on an assessment that is purely\nchronological and requires exact determination. This Western focus on age is\napparent in the cases of young refugees not knowing themselves their exact age.\nThis not only becomes an issue for self-identification, but if they are able to\nself-identify as a child, they are unable to provide documentation expected by\nthe Belgian authorities: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cSomalia\nand Afghanistan, two of the leading nationalities of unaccompanied children\narriving in Europe in recent years, are countries where several basic functions\nof a state, such as birth registration, have not been operating well for\nseveral decades now. For many unaccompanied children, this creates\nunsurmountable difficulties in proving their age with official documents, and\neven if documents are available, migration authorities in European countries\noften question their validity because of widespread corruption in many\ncountries where refugees originate\u2026\u201d<\/em>[39]<\/strong><\/em><\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2017, out of the 697 age assessments\nthat were done, 491 were found to be over the age of 18.[40]<\/a> That is an over 70 percent rejection rate amongst young refugees\nthat self-identified as a minor; refugees can appeal the decision, but it is\nnot suspensive and may take long to appeal, and by thel the individua; might turn\n18.[41]<\/a> This high rate could be illustrative of two phenomena: either the\ntests for determining age are insufficient, or that the protections for young\nrefugees over the age of 18 are so few that they would rather be cast as a\nchild than not receive protection. For the first phenomenon, there have been\nnumerous critiques of the age determination process that is solely medical: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cSeveral\nstudies have pointed to the problematic character of the use of precise\nchronological age limits and have questioned the validity, accuracy and ethical\nappropriateness of age estimations, both from a social scientific and a\npsychological point of view\u201d<\/em>[42]<\/strong><\/em><\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The EASO guidelines on age determination\nrecommend that medical tests that include the exposure to radiation should be\nthe last resort option, after a psychological assessment and a physical\nexamination.[43]<\/a> The report, however, also states that this age assessment test is\nunder the protective duties of the state, rather than their security\nimperatives; researchers disagree: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cAlthough\nthe minors are singled out as a vulnerable group, simultaneously their stories\nand statements are scrutinized for inaccuracies or false elements. Age claims\nin particular are met with suspicion and become the site of medical\ninvestigation.\u201d<\/em>[44]<\/strong><\/em><\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The second possible phenomenon, that young\nrefugees over the age of 18 are choosing to present themselves as minors for\npreferential treatment exposes the relatively high levels of protection for\nminors, and the relative lack of protection for those who are over 18 and\nconsidered single adults. One way to understand this is to look at the special\nprocedures for those who Belgium accepts as minors. Once there is sufficient\nproof that they are under 18, they are assigned a guardian and transferred to a\nlonger-stay accommodation centre during which two procedures can be applied to\nfind a \u201cdurable solution\u201d; the first is the regular procedure for asylum and\nthe second is a best interests assessment, explained by De Graeve and Derluyn:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThis\ndurable solution can be (in order of priority): (1) reunion with the UAM\u2019s\nfamily, (2) return to the home country, and (3) definitive stay in Belgium,\nwhen the two other options cannot be realized\u2026 after at least a period of three\nyears in this procedure, and provided that the person is still underage,\npossesses a valid identity card from the birth country, and shows that (s)he is\nintegrated in the host country (e.g., through attending school on a regular\nbasis)<\/em>\u201d[45]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In creating this system that is legal and\nsupported by the EU and the UN[46]<\/a>, the case of Belgium \u201cexemplifies the ambiguity of the current\npolicy framework that seems to be uncertain about whether to punish or to\nassist, to prepare for return or to integrate\u201d[47]<\/a> The Belgian state remains in compliance with the UN Convention on\nthe Rights of the Child, if they can exclude young refugees from accessing\nthose rights by determining that they are no longer children in the eyes of the\nstate. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conclusion <\/a>& further action<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

While this report is meant to provide a\nbase of the knowledge, we have gained over the past five years, it is a\nstarting point for further critical research related to the support of refugee\nyoung people in Brussels. This report has highlighted that while young refugees\nhave the legal right to protection and support, as individuals their rights are\nquestioned by the state. This barrier to accessing their rights puts additional\nexternal pressure on their already intensive situation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two aspects of insecurity are particularly\nconcerning to us: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

+ <\/strong>the youth are primarily from countries that are less likely to be recognised as refugees (per recognition statistics from CGRS), yet there is a lack of a support mechanism for those who are denied and furthermore for those that turn 18 and are denied, giving them few options for finding a secure home for their future; and  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

+ <\/strong>the heightened level of scrutiny on the age and asylum claims of young people has been proven to put additional phycological pressure on them, leading to prolonged insecurity in their lives. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In order to address these concerns, we will\ncontinue to work towards the following: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

+ <\/strong> monitoring application of the law as it is intended in a manner that respects young people\u2019s right to ask for international protection, regardless of their age or nationality; <\/p>\n\n\n\n

+<\/strong> advocating for the amelioration the procedure by which their claim to international protection is examined to avoid the prolongation of their personal insecurity and sense of limbo; and<\/p>\n\n\n\n

+ <\/strong>inform the public regarding the situation of young refugees in Brussels through the active dissemination of information, through sharing reports like this one with platforms that engage with regional and international stakeholders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As SB Overseas, our priority in practice is to support these young people going through the trying processes described in this report. While we have a psychosocial focus in our activities, we recognise that in some cases any positive steps that we may help young person take in their personal wellbeing, one phone call or document from the Belgian authorities could take them 10 steps back. For this reason, as because we have the privilege of being at the political centre of Europe and access to decision-makers in Brussels and around the world, we see it as our duty to make them aware of the circumstances that these young people are undergoing due primarily to political decisions. With the publishing of subsequent reports in the following months, this endeavour continues with the aim to bring the stories of these young people into these political and social spaces to make their narrative the dominant one. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Download a copy of this report <\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> Most often we refer to the young people in the centres as \u201cthe youth,\u201d both as a convenient translation from the French \u201cles jeunes\u201d as well as a term that is separated from the specific signifiers of adult or child, a concept that will be explored in a later section. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> In a technical sense, the young people in the centres have either\nbeen preliminarily identified by the authorities that they came in contact with\nas being under 18 years old, or the youth have identified themselves as being\nunder 18 years old. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> This majority male demographic data has also been reported by the\nUNHCR, in that the percentage of males was 89% in 2015, 84% in 2016, 86% in\n2017 and 82% in 2018, as stated in UNHCR (2019) \u201cVers Une Protection Renforc\u00e9e\ndes Enfants Non-Accompagn\u00e9s et S\u00e9par\u00e9s en Belgique: \u00c9tat des lieux et\nrecommendations\u201d pg 17 Available at https:\/\/www.refworld.org\/docid\/5d70d4304.html<\/a>  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> UNHCR (2019) \u201cVers Une Protection Renforc\u00e9e des Enfants\nNon-Accompagn\u00e9s et S\u00e9par\u00e9s en Belgique: \u00c9tat des lieux et recommendations\u201d\nAvailable at https:\/\/www.refworld.org\/docid\/5d70d4304.html<\/a>  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> Individuals with refugee status in Belgium receive a residence\npermit for five years, and then have the ability to receive an unlimited stay\nresidence card. Individuals with subsidiary protection in Belgium receive a\nresidence permit for one year, after which the situation in their country of\norigin is assessed before extending to another year, and then two years\nfollowing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> AIDA \u2013 Asylum Information Database (2019) \u201cCountry Report: Belgium\u201d\navailable at http:\/\/www.asylumineurope.org\/sites\/default\/files\/report-download\/aida_be_2018update.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> Derluyn, Ilse (2018) \u201cA critical analysis of the creation of\nseparated care structures for unaccompanied refugee minors\u201d Children and\nYouth Services Review <\/em>92 p.22-29<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> While it is not something that we interact with in the SB Espoir\nproject, it has been documented by local advocates and the UNHCR that young\npeople are also placed in detention centres while waiting for their placement\nin first-line centres.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> Entzinger, Hans & Biezeveld, Renske (2003) \u201cBenchmarking in\nImmigrant Integration\u201d European Research Centre\non Migration and Ethinic Relations, <\/em>Erasmus University Rotterdam, p. 19 <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> Entzinger & Biezevel (2003) p. 22<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> Nelson, Deborah; Price, Elizabeth; Zubrzycki, Joanna (2017)\n\u201cCritical social work with unaccompanied asylum-seeking young people: Restoring\nhope, agency and meaning for the client and worker,\u201d International Social Work<\/em>. Vol. 60(3) p. 601-613<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/a> Nelson et al. (2017)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> Derluyn, Ilse, and Marianne Vervliet (2012) \u201cThe Wellbeing of\nUnaccompanied Refugee Minors.\u201d In Health Inequalities and Risk Factors Among\nMigrants and Ethnic Minorities, ed. David Ingleby, Allen Krasnik, Vincent\nLorant, and Oliver Razum, 1:95\u2013109. Antwerpen, Belgi\u00eb\u202f; Appeldoorn, Nederland: Garant<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> Derluyn and Vervliet (2012) <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> Nelson et al (2017) p. 609<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> Sam , D L , Jasinskaja-Lahti , I , Ryder , A G & Hassan , G\n(2016) \u201cHealth and Well-being\u201d in D L Sam & J W Berry (eds) , \u201cThe\nCambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology\u201d, 2nd<\/sup> edition .\nCambrigde University Press. p 20<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> Vervliet, Marianne; Lammertyn, Jan; Broekaert; Derluyn, Ilse (2014)\n\u201cLongitudinal follow-up of\nthe mental health of unaccompanied refugee minors\u201d Eur Child Adolesc Psychiatry<\/em> 23; p. 337\u2013346<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[18]<\/a> Miller, Norman (2002) “Personalization and the promise of\ncontact theory.” Journal of Social Issues 58(2): 387-410.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[19]<\/a> Bhabha, Jacqueline (2009) “Arendt’s Children: Do Today’s\nMigrant Children have a right to have rights?.” Human Rights Quarterly\n31.2: 410-451; Meloni ,Francesca; Rousseau, Ce\u00b4cile; Montgomery, Catherine; and\nMeasham, Toby (2013)  \u201cChildren of\nException: Redefining Categories of Illegality and Citizenship in Canada\u201d\nChildren & Society p. 1-11<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[20]<\/a> Bhabha (2009) p. 414<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[21]<\/a> Aitken, Stuart. 2001. \u201cGlobal Crises of Childhood: Rights, Justice\nand the Unchildlike Child.\u201d Area 33 (2): 119\u2013127.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[22]<\/a> McLaughlin, Carly (2018) \u2018They don\u2019t look like children\u2019: child\nasylum-seekers, the Dubs amendment and the politics of childhood, Journal of\nEthnic and Migration Studies, 44:11, 1757-1773<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[23]<\/a> UN Convention on the\nRights of the Child (1989) United Nations, Treaty\nSeries<\/em>, vol. 1577, p. 3, available at: https:\/\/www.refworld.org\/docid\/3ae6b38f0.html<\/a>  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[24]<\/a> Derluyn, Ilse & Broekaert (2008) \u201cUnaccompanied refugee\nchildren and adolescents: The glaring contrast between a legal and a\npsychological perspective\u201d International Journal of Law and Psychiatry 31 p.320;\nCrawley, Heaven (2007). When is a child not a child. Asylum, age\ndisputes and the process of age<\/em>. p. 18<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[25]<\/a> Crawley (2007) p. 27<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[26]<\/a> \u0392habha (2009)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[27]<\/a> AIDA (2018); Carretero,\nLeslie (2018)  \u201cBelgium announces plans\nto lock up migrants in transit\u201d INFOMIGRANTS available at http:\/\/www.infomigrants.net\/en\/post\/11931\/belgium-announces-plans-to-lock-up-migrants-in-transit<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[28]<\/a> Torfs, Micha\u00ebl (2018) \u201cU.K. to help out Belgium to clamp down on transit migration https:\/\/www.vrt.be\/vrtnws\/en\/2018\/02\/27\/u_k_to_help_out_belgiumtoclampdownontransitmigration-1-3154282\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[29]<\/a> Although not\ndirectly related to the subject of this paper, it should be noted that many of\nthe persons in trying to reach the UK are young refugees who sleep at transit\npoints in Belgium. This has been noticed and reported by NGOs working across\nBelgium (MPI 2018)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[30]<\/a> AIDA (2018) p. 46<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[31]<\/a> De Graeve & Derluyn 2017, p. 1<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[32]<\/a> AIDA (2018); De\nGraeve, Katrien & Derluyn, Ilse (2017) \u201cBetween Immigration Control and\nChild Protection: Unaccompanied Minors in Belgium\u201d Social Work and Society <\/em>15 (1)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[33]<\/a> AIDA (2018) p. 39<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[34]<\/a> AIDA (2018); De Graeve & Derluyn (2017) p.\n2; Hjern, Anders; Ascher, Henry; Vervliet, Marianne & Derluyn, Ilse (2015)\n\u201cIdentification: age and identity assessment\u201d Research Handbook on Child Migration<\/em>, 281-293<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[35]<\/a> AIDA (2018) p.45-46<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[36]<\/a> AIDA (2019); De Graeve & Derluyn (2017) p.\n2<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[37]<\/a> AIDA (2018) p. 41<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[38]<\/a> AIDA (2018); De Graeve & Derluyn (2017); Hjern et al. (2015)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[39]<\/a> Hjern et al. (2015) p. 282<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[40]<\/a> EMN – Belgian Contact Point (2018) \u201c2017 Annual Report on Migration\nand Asylum in Belgium\u201d European Migration\nNetwork<\/em> available at  https:\/\/emnbelgium.be\/sites\/default\/files\/publications\/FINAL_BE%20EMN%20NCP_ARM%202017_Part%20II_0.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[41]<\/a>\nAIDA (2018)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[42]<\/a> De Graeve & Derluyn (2017) p. 8<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[43]<\/a> EASO – European Asylum Support Office (2018) \u201cEASO Practical Guide\non age assessment\u201d Second edition available at https:\/\/www.easo.europa.eu\/sites\/default\/files\/easo-practical-guide-on-age-assesment-v3-2018.pdf<\/a>\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[44]<\/a> De Graeve & Derluyn (2017) p. 5<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[45]<\/a> De Graeve & Derluyn (2017) p.2<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[46]<\/a> Feltz, Viven (2015) \u201cAGE ASSESSMENT FOR UNACCOMPANIED MINORS When\nEuropean countries deny children their childhood\u201d M\u00e9decins du monde International Network Report<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[47]<\/a> De Graeve & Derluyn (2017) p. 5<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>", "protected": false }, "excerpt": { "rendered": "

Following five years of supporting young refugees living in Brussels through psychosocial support activities, engagement with the local community and providing exposure to skills and future opportunities, this report presents the critical observations of the precarity in the lives these young people. The discussion engages with three elements of protection that we consider necessary for the personal security of young people in this precarious situation: a positive physical living space, an environment of psychological support and guidance and the adherence to their rights in seeking international protection.<\/p>", "protected": false }, "author": 162, "featured_media": 17139, "comment_status": "closed", "ping_status": "closed", "sticky": true, "template": "", "format": "standard", "meta": { "_et_pb_use_builder": "", "_et_pb_old_content": "", "_et_gb_content_width": "", "footnotes": "" }, "categories": [ 140, 137 ], "tags": [ 83, 239, 125, 240 ], "class_list": [ "post-17120", "post", "type-post", "status-publish", "format-standard", "has-post-thumbnail", "hentry", "category-awareness", "category-belgium", "tag-brussels", "tag-press-release", "tag-sb-espoir", "tag-world-migrant-day" ], "yoast_head": "\nREPORT: Young Refugees living in reception & accommodation centres in Brussels - SBO - D\u00e9veloppement Durable & Aide Humanitaire<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"http:\/\/sboverseas.org\/en\/report-young-refugees-living-in-reception-accommodation-centres-in-brussels\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"REPORT: Young Refugees living in reception & accommodation centres in Brussels - SBO - D\u00e9veloppement Durable & Aide Humanitaire\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Following five years of supporting young refugees living in Brussels through psychosocial support activities, engagement with the local community and providing exposure to skills and future opportunities, this report presents the critical observations of the precarity in the lives these young people. 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